A Reflection Essay About My Time in South Africa
FORGIVENESS: IT’S MORE THAN SAYING SORRY
“Mandela let us down. He agreed to a bad deal for the blacks.” Nelson Mandela’s ex-wife, Winnie Madikizela-Mandela expressed this in an interview with the London Evening Standard earlier this year. “Economically, we are still on the outside. The economy is very much ‘white’. It has a few token blacks, but so many who gave their life in the struggle have died unrewarded.” Throughout South Africa, I was exposed to these disapproving comments, notions, conspiracy theories, and criticisms including, “Mandela was brainwashed! A sell out! He hurt his people more than he helped!” My biggest presumption before arriving in South Africa was that Nelson Mandela was the savior for black South Africans. The media portrays Nelson Mandela as a hero for his people exemplified through clips of crowds protesting for his prison release, celebrations for his accomplishments, and movies portraying his sacrifice and heroism. There was plenty of Mandela propaganda disbursed throughout the nation in the form of pictures, t-shirts, posters, museums, and statues. Encountering this alternative prospective humanized my view of Mandela and demoted him from my previous idea of an idolized post-apartheid savior to the nation of South Africa. MC from the Foundation of Human Rights surprisingly voiced out that “A revolution would have been better!” Before visiting South Africa I was under the impression that Mandela executed the best strategy for the nation, specifically lobbying for the best interest of black South African people. My new found observations introduced me to the opposite end of the Mandela spectrum, and empowered me to reassess previous beliefs and analytically contrast Mandela’s accomplishments. The concept of whether or not forgiveness was the best approach pressed me to investigate the standpoint and perceptions of local community members and leaders we interacted with throughout our travels. Utilizing outside resources and reflecting on my interactions with South Africans, I will address the following frameworks:
• The macro-level socioeconomic state of post-apartheid South Africa
• The micro-level psychological and behavioral aspects derived from South Africa’s new “freedom”
• The current opportunities created and available after post-apartheid negotiations
My paper delves into the ongoing debate of whether the black South Africans were mistreated, or if the philosophy of forgiveness and restorative justice demonstrated through the Amy Biehl Foundation was the most effective strategy for Mandela to manage the intricate situation. I found that either way you look at how post-apartheid was handled, adaptability and a sense of urgency is crucial from both white and black people to help their transformational country succeed. It is important to note that Mandela had been working in broad consensus with the African National Congress (ANC) to solidify much of the negotiations. Therefore, it would be unfair to place the weight solely on Mandela’s leadership, when the ANC and its history of decisions should also be taken into account.
The socioeconomic state of post-apartheid South Africa
The current broad socioeconomic state of South Africa will be the first criteria used to analyze post-apartheid conditions. South Africa has overtaken Brazil as the country with the widest gap between rich and poor, according to figures put together by a leading South African academic, Harron Bhorat (Pressly). The inequity of South African society translates to inequalities of family incomes. Bhorat warned in an address to Parliament, “In the long run it is bad for growth. It is a threat to social stability and to growth itself. The long-run trend is a worrying one.” Bhorat argues that South Africa is in “a high deficit” environment and its ability to maintain the social security bill is being challenged. Brazil is a country seen as successfully moving down the inequality ladder, which can be attributed to its more flourishing industrial policies. Presidency’s deputy director-general, Alan Hirsch, stated, “Brazil’s government has implemented a greater variety of industrial development programs and small business support programs than South Africa.” These statements are all ones that confirmed the general consensus of the leaders we met with throughout Johannesburg and Cape Town. The leaders of entrepreneurial incubators such as Raizcorp and Endeavor informed our group that the current government, the ANC, could do a much better job in creating an attractive and fruitful environment for entrepreneurs. Sedick Isaacs confided with a small group of us and revealed that corruption within the current government is leading South Africa into an “economic trap.” Professor Goldman from GIBS drove home the point that the government could better manage and invest its money into more effective programs that increase the welfare of the South Africans in poverty. Since many of the comments from the speakers lacked specific and supportive examples, I performed outside research to confirm or disprove what was said. I discovered in the scholarly journal, Mediations, many facts that confirmed the points of Allon Raiz, Sean Walker, Dr. Isaacs, and Professor Goldman. First, there are several socioeconomic and environmental areas that represent flashpoints in the post-apartheid era, resulting from either post-1994 policy or even deeper structural forces dating back decades:
• The official unemployment rate doubled (from 16% in 1994 to around 32% by the early 2000s)
• The provision of housing to several million people was done sloppily as the units produced are far smaller than apartheid “matchboxes,” are located further away from jobs, are constructed with less durable building materials, and are connected with higher-priced debt.
• The overall price of water and electricity has risen dramatically since 1994, leading to millions of people facing disconnections each year.
• The education system is still crippled by excessive cost recovery and fiscal austerity, leaving 35 percent of learners dropping out by Grade 5 and 48% by Grade 12, and leaving 80% without libraries and computers.
South Africa’s current “developmental state” is meant to reverse these processes. However, the abuse of funding by the government directed money to only few major projects, ensuring that the reversal would last only as long as the artificial construction-sector boom. Examples of the few major projects that are dominating South African funds include:
• The Coega complex in Nelson Mandela Metropole where massive amounts of electricity and water could one day be consumed in a new smelter.
• The unnecessarily expensive new and refurbished soccer stadiums for the 2010 World Soccer Cup, which by early 2009 were a third over budgeted expenditure. Small local vendors did not even benefit from World Cup as they were pushed out of stadium parameters by FIFA and large corporations (Octogon visit).
• The corruption-ridden R43 billion arms deal, which implicated a wide slice of both Zumite and Mbekite ANC factions starting at the very top.
• Pebble Bed Nuclear Reactors potentially costing hundreds of billions of rands, alongside hundreds of billions more rands spent on coal-fired power plants.
• The R20 billion plus Gautrain fast rail network that will link Johannesburg, Pretoria, and the Tambo airport, affordable only to elite travelers.
Professor Goldman urgently addressed our group and stated that the only institutions that can save South Africa are job creation and housing development in the townships. Goldman stressed that without 3 million jobs created and 3 million houses created per year for the next 3 years; South Africa may never be able to start closing the income inequality gap before another uprising occurs. The huge capital projects stated above are distracting the current government from investing more into the root problems of poverty such as equal educational opportunities for black South Africans, housing infrastructure in the townships, and more incentives for entrepreneurs to start businesses in order to create jobs. On a macro-perspective, the ANC and the foundation of what came out of the post-apartheid negotiations are not favorable to the black South Africans at all, and rather, the elite seem to continue to benefit most from post-apartheid policies and investments. It is obvious that the elite white population will continue to be the beneficiaries of Apartheid as well as the post-Apartheid era if the majority of the money is not being directed to attack the poverty epidemic crippling South Africa.
The micro-level psychological and behavioral aspects derived from South Africa’s new “freedom”
Strictly analyzing the macro-economic perspective does not paint the whole picture, as it ignores the individual human aspect. To better realize the Mandela and ANC legacies, one must investigate post-apartheid micro-level psychological, social, and behavioral components. As I immersed myself into the culture through conversation within the townships, I realized a strong spirit of complacency that is hindering black South Africans from succeeding in this economy. The views of community leaders revealed the effectiveness of empowering and enabling black South Africans through technical education.
As our group strolled along the dirt and garbage-filled roads in Kliptown, right outside of Johannesburg, we witnessed orphans on the streets with no shoes, old women manually filling buckets at the lone water hose, and poorly maintained portable bathrooms scattered throughout the township. At the end of the tour, there was a request for donations in which many of the students in our group were touched and felt compelled to donate significant amounts of money to the township. I pondered how that money would be allocated, how efficiently it would be used, and overall how much of an impact these blind donations would actually make. While returning through the township I took a critical look at the differing lifestyles of the community. It was mid-day and there were people gambling and playing dice, others sitting on their porch drinking, and the stench of marijuana reeked of complacency. Complacency was a prevalent theme suffocating many townships we visited. My initial reaction was that the most effective donation one can give is to help people in the townships help themselves through technical education.
A defeated mentality of complacency was portrayed through an interaction I had with one of the local soccer leaders for the kids at Lebo’s Backpackers. He showed genuine compassion for the kids that played soccer around Lebo’s. His eyes lit up when he explained how good these kids were at soccer and how much potential each one of them possessed. The tone quickly changed though as he blatantly told us that none of these kids will make it to the professional level because they will most likely fall into wrong influences such as drugs and alcohol. The lack of positive role models was another point he made, ironically, while he himself was lighting a marijuana joint. This scene of hypocrisy perfectly encapsulates the dichotomy of what South Africa is. South Africa is a country of contrasts and contradiction, but one of the biggest irregularities is the overwhelming hope, optimism, and positivity around the idea that things are going to get better. However, there still remains a lack of urgency for action towards and sense of responsibility over pursuing a brighter future. I wondered how there could ever be an economic shift of power towards the black South Africans if a large majority of them stay unmotivated and content in their current situation. We inquired about personal sentiments towards the rich white people from a storyteller in Soweto, who answered, “We don’t fight with them. That is their privilege. This is our suffering. We just want them to work with the government to help the poor people.” The storyteller’s response to our question embodies a surprisingly relaxed attitude that I did not expect. There was no acknowledgment of how rich white people profited from Apartheid, or any sense of urgency to fight or compete for economic justice. It was astonishing how completely dependent they were for help from the government, and their misguided confidence in the rich to achieve change for them. To make sure I was not being too critical and biased with my suburban-American perspective, I asked the local leaders what their opinion was with my observation of complacency within the townships. I posed my views to Sedick Issacs and Professor Esterhuyse who both supplied me with intriguing answers that confirmed my initial perceptions. They both agreed that there is currently a high sense of complacency within the townships and much of that is attributed to deep-seeded feelings of inferiority, the culture of patience, a society that remains stratified, and the lack of educational resources. Both Issacs and Esterhuyse echoed each other as they explained to me that after the post-apartheid negotiations, many black South Africans felt comfortable with the new “social equality” enough to sit back to wait for someone or some group to lead and save them. Sedick nodded in agreement to Professor Esterhuyse that “their culture of patience is hurting them, they need to be enabled, and they need to be empowered to start doing things themselves. Technical education is the key!”
Unlike large academic universities, technical education programs would immediately enable the black South African population. Mike Miller, a successful businessman in the UK who sells traditional South African products in Europe states,
“Apartheid showed, just putting people into jobs for which they were not qualified, does not work. You have to set up some sort of Graduate training program to train people in situation experience. They need to experience certain things before they can be given those jobs. If you just push people into a situation - which has happened too much in South Africa ‘s recent history - they will take wrong decisions.”
In the article Mike Miller is featured in he makes the point that South Africa has more than enough capable people, but it’s just a matter of properly training them. The article also points out that programs like BEE, which were set up post-apartheid to “empower” the black population, are actually hurting South Africa because it is not encouraging putting the best people for the position, rather, it is once again appointing people to positions based on their color (Bills).
The overlying points made by Issacs, Esterhuyse, and Miller are that economic equality cannot be achieved until the black South African population is enabled with technical skills to build, fix, and create for themselves. Unfortunately, as I pointed out in the macro-level section, money is currently not being justly allocated and invested into technical education. Even if it was, it would take a few generations to see the fruits of that investment. Investment into technical and extracurricular education can work as seen through the Amy Biehl foundation’s progression and success. I spoke with Themba Diniso, a program manager at the foundation, and questioned him on his observation of the kids going through the program. The program takes a proactive approach of offering extracurricular activities to young kids after school in order to keep them away from drugs, sex, and alcohol. Diniso shared with me that he sees a significant attitude shift between his generation and the new youth coming up through the Amy Biehl foundation. The new youth are more motivated, and have the mentality that they can achieve greater things. The Amy Biehl Foundation is instilling in these young kids the right foundation needed in South Africa to be adequately prepared to compete in the economy. The psychological oppression and bad behavioral habits can be attributed to the ANC’s oversight of the importance of technical education. It is definitely an institution that needs to be modeled after and invested in immediately. The philosophy behind this foundation enables black South Africans to rectify perceptions of inferiority and helpless state of mind.
The current opportunities created and available after post-apartheid negotiations
Lastly, we can evaluate Mandela and the ANC’s negotiations on the opportunities that have developed from specific programs the ANC has architected during the post-apartheid era. The most common program talked about in our group’s meetings is the Black Economic Empowerment Act (BEE). Although the title of this act sounds exactly like what South Africa needs, there has been a significant amount of criticism towards its intentions and effectiveness. The act aims to promote and achieve equality in the workplace by not only advancing people from designated groups but also specifically disadvantaging the others. Government’s employment legislation reserves 80% of new jobs for black people and favors black-owned companies. There is growing discontent in South Africa that the BEE Act has only enriched a select few black people in the country, generally those who were well connected within the ANC. A black author, Moeletsi Mbeki, published a book entitled ‘Architects of Poverty’ in which he describes how BEE has failed most South Africans by creating a small group of black elitist capitalists made up of ANC politicians, consequently hindering the emergence of black entrepreneurship (Affirmative Action).
Aside from the negative aspects of BEE, one cannot ignore the positive effects of Mandela and ANC campaigns. This was a statement by Nelson Mandela and one that even the skeptics would agree embodies how he lived his life:
“I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal that I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.”
Mandela negotiated the lift of the sanctions of the prejudice Apartheid laws, stopped several armed revolts on government by the ANC, retrieved black South Africans a vote, and put the ANC into political power. The main achievement of Mandela that breeds opportunities was his ability to gain social freedom. Freedom is not welfare though. One could argue that Mandela negotiated the best deal he could without going forward with a Civil War. After many discussions with the local leaders and community members of South Africa, I don’t think anyone agreed that there was a chance to have a wholesale agreement based on a complete transfer of land, economic resources and power from a powerful, undefeated elite entity. Mandela provided the South African people a potential destiny far greater than one under Apartheid, and a chance to compete. The underlying question is if the majority of the black South Africans are just too disenfranchised and ill-equipped to compete. I approached Diniso from the Amy Biehl Foundation and asked, “if a young kid from the township was really motivated to make it to a top-level corporate position, would the current education system in the township enable him enough to reach his goal in the future, and would his education be comparable to that of a white South African kid?” Diniso simply stated, “no, the educational opportunities are still not close to being equal and the current township education system is nowhere near enabling or preparing a kid to pursue large dreams for the future.” Therefore, from an opportunities standpoint it seems as though Mandela and the ANC made huge accomplishments but came one-step short as they allowed black South Africans the ability to compete, yet not the chance to compete because the inequalities remain too vast.
The Verdict
Through this trip I have discovered that my preconceived notion that Mandela’s negotiations saved the black South Africans was half-baked, ignorant, and misinformed. I’ve realized that Mandela’s leadership has initiated small steps in the right direction, deserving some credit and praise, however this trip has revealed an overindulgence in positive Mandela propaganda, which saturated worldwide media and diluted the accuracy of South Africa’s history. His negotiations fell drastically short of delivering any type of economic equality and the socioeconomic landscape in South Africa has actually undeniably worsened and has continued to leave the black South African Population isolated in a country where they are the majority. The cliché “the rich are getting richer, and the poor are getting poorer” is prevalent and extreme this country. On a macro-level perspective South Africa is the most unequal country in terms of income equity, resulting in high unemployment levels. On a micro-level perspective, the majority of the black South Africans in the townships still suffer psychologically by feeling inferior and incapable compared to the elite rich white people. Lastly, from an opportunity standpoint, there is currently “social equality” but that has not resulted in any significant upswing in opportunities available for blacks and they are still not empowered to seize many opportunities that are available.
The long-term solution for the stability of South Africa that seems obvious is the investment into technical education, but there might not be time to wait for a long-term solution that lies in the hands of the government. Mandela did a great job of buying South Africa time and preventing mass bloodshed and possible destruction of the country in the 90s, but if the pressing problems continue to grow and worsen, another uprising or revolution might soon be inevitable. I believe that more immediate measures, where private organizations step up, need to be taken to ensure the stability of South Africa. Even with the corruption and inequalities, private sector programs to uplift the nation can still thrive, make a difference, and be successful. Two examples are the African Leadership Academy and Raizcorp. Both organizations have one aspect in common: innovation. Both organizations are able to think outside of the box on how they could make a positive impact on South Africa and innovate ways to breed excellence that can greatly benefit South Africa. The African Leadership Academy (ALA) is graduating 100+ of the most talented students in Africa per year, who will eventually come back and start their own companies and organizations that will create jobs and influence and inspire others. Raizcorp “prosperates” over 200 companies in its facilities and they all contribute to South Africa’s economy and job creation efforts. Each of these organizations has been highly successful in fulfilling their mission and is a testament to the fact that there is hope and that successful institutions can be created.
Reflecting on our trip, I have realized that it is actually not highly beneficial to continue to debate whether or not black South Africans were mistreated or shortchanged. I discovered that productivity fails where there is a breeding ground for negative commentary. The places where I saw success in South Africa was with organizations such as ALA and Raizcorp who realized that they can’t rely on government, rich white people, or anyone else but themselves. These organizations have moved on and are taking it into their own hands to create their own environments to become successful. One of the founders of ALA, Fred Swaniker, stated,
“The book Outliers shows how people like Bill Gates and Steve Jobs were lucky with the environment they grew up in. Africa doesn’t have time to wait for luck, rather, we need to create our own outliers. We can’t leave it to chance. We need to create the environments for ourselves based on leadership, practice, and networks!”
Swaniker has created an environment where he has given the ALA students their first chance at thinking critically and expressing their opinion. This has enabled the students to have a vision, gain specific goals, and acquire motivation to change the African continent. Based on my interactions throughout South Africa and through further research, I would strongly agree with Swaniker’s mentality and I believe the only way South Africa will make it is if more people and organizations start fostering this type of urgency and vision. Black South Africans should strive to compete and fight as complacency produces nothing, and rather, conflict forces you to be better than you were before. Glenn Philips, Business Development Manager from South African Parks, stated that, “change has got to be painful or else you’re not really changing.” I am not only targeting poor black South Africans as ones who need to change and step up though, as wealthy black and white South Africans have just as much of a responsibility in the future well-being of their nation. I believe that the people who profited during apartheid have an obligation to help reconcile the vast income gap between rich and poor through community work, social investment, and lobbying and supporting more effective programs targeted at poverty. A statement I heard in a video at the Apartheid Museum was that “the white people got a damn good deal” (Roelf Meyer, previous Minister of Constitutional Affairs for National Party). Success, peace, and freedom can be found within forgiveness, and even though it seems many people had forgiven the ones who profited from Apartheid, I believe that in return, those who profited have a duty to say more than just “sorry.”
Through conversations with racists at the bar in Eschowe, witnessing horrid living conditions in Kilptown, and hearing first-hand accounts of government corruption from Sedick, I surprisingly came back from South Africa with the same attitude I experienced from the general South African population, which is an attitude of optimism and hope. The massive problems are obvious and seem huge, but the people are staying positive, and no matter how many times people predict South Africa’s self-destruction, the country continues to surprise the world by surviving and bouncing back from adversity. That was the story for the 1995 Springbok Rugby match, the 2010 FIFA World Cup, and I hope it remains the story for South Africa’s immediate and long-term future. At a hip hop event in Soweto I learned that one way of explaining Ubuntu is “it doesn’t take a family to raise a child, rather, it takes a whole village.” In that same light, it is going to take more than one group or organization to instill meaningful change, it will take the whole nation!
Works Cited
Hlongwane, Sipho. “Did Nelson Mandela Sell Out?” Thought Leader. Web. <http://www.thoughtleader.co.za/siphohlongwane/2010/03/10/did-nelson-mandela-sell-out/>.
“Mike Miller: ‘The Biggest Problem Facing South Africa Is the Attempt at Africanisation’ - Peter Bills, Columnists - The Independent.” The Independent | News | UK and Worldwide News | Newspaper. Web. 28 Sept. 2010. <http://www.independent.co.uk/opinion/columnists/peter-bills/mike-miller-the-biggest-problem-facing-south-africa-is-the-attempt-at-africanisation-1781197.html>.
Pressly, Donwald. “South Africa Has Widest Gap between Rich and Poor.” Business Report - Home. Web. 28 Sept. 2010. <http://www.busrep.co.za/index.php?fArticleId=5181018>.
“South Africa’s “Developmental State” Distraction.” Mediations. Web. 28 Sept. 2010. <http://www.mediationsjournal.org/articles/developmental-state-distraction>.
Stewart, Robb M. “South Africa Unemployment Hits 25.2% - WSJ.com.” Business News & Financial News - The Wall Street Journal - WSJ.com. Web. 28 Sept. 2010. <http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703866704575223993865587422.html>.